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Senate and House Republican Candidates Do Not Have Scapegoats for Top Issues Leading to Mid-Term Election

Republican Senate and House candidates don’t have much to campaign on. On the issues that Trump won in the last election, the script has flipped. This isn’t a pro-Democrat opinion piece, it’s an honest rundown of the issues where Republicans no longer have anyone else to blame.

On illegal immigration, Republicans can’t say it’s out of control because Trump’s administration runs DHS and ICE.

Republicans can’t blame Biden for inflation. This is Trump’s economy.

They can’t blame a Senate or House Majority blocking their agenda. Repubilcans control both.

Republicans can’t push for tariffs, because the Supreme Court rejected Trump’s legal reasoning for the order, but even if SCOTUS had not made that decision, Republicans wouldn’t be able to cite tariffs as a political win. Trump’s tariffs raised prices on American consumers, and failed to improve the US’s standing in the trade deficit.

Republicans can’t pledge to fix high gas prices, because, they’re just as high as they were during the Biden administration.

They can’t pledge to end wars and foreign conflicts, as a result of Trump’s strikes in Iran and Venezuela.

Where does that leave them? Social issues. Trump’s admin is pushing toward pot decriminalization. Even if the feds ultimately make recreational pot free, that won’t give the GOP the majority of young voters when they can’t pay their bills
If Trump pushes for other left-leaning social reforms, he risks losing more Republicans, and he has already been losing many from the MAGA crowd since his failure to release all of the Epstein files, record-high national spending, and his launch of the Iran war

GOP Infighting Continues as Rep. Nancy Mace Calls for Expulsion of Florida Congressman Cory Mills

South Carolina Congresswoman Nancy Mace has filed a resolution seeking the removal of fellow Republican Cory Mills from the U.S. House, escalating a months-long intra-party feud that has drawn national attention. If brought to the House floor, the resolution to expel Mills would require a two-thirds majority vote to pass—an outcome that remains uncertain given the chamber’s narrow margins and historically high threshold for expulsion. The filing nonetheless underscores deepening divisions within the Republican Party, as internal disputes increasingly play out through formal disciplinary actions in Congress.

The move sets up a potential House-wide vote on expulsion—one of the most severe disciplinary actions available to Congress. Mace’s resolution cites a series of allegations against Mills, including claims of sexual misconduct, domestic violence, misrepresentation of military service, and improper financial dealings tied to his position in Congress. In a statement accompanying the filing, Mace argued that prior efforts to hold Mills accountable—including a failed censure attempt—were blocked by members of both parties, allowing what she described as serious misconduct to go unpunished.

Mills, who represents Florida’s 7th Congressional District, has denied the allegations and has pointed to the ongoing House Ethics Committee investigation as the appropriate venue for review. He has also criticized the expulsion effort as premature, emphasizing due process and suggesting the accusations are politically motivated, according to a report from the Daily Beast.

The expulsion push comes amid heightened scrutiny of Mills following reports of a 2025 incident in Washington, D.C., in which police investigated an alleged assault involving a woman who later recanted aspects of her claim. That incident, along with other allegations, is now part of the broader Ethics Committee probe that began in late 2025 after Mace’s earlier attempt to censure Mills failed.

The latest development also reflects a pattern of aggressive political tactics by Mace, who is currently running for governor in South Carolina. Earlier this year, as reported by NewsSouthPolitics.com, Mace publicly accused South Carolina Attorney General Alan Wilson of slow-walking an investigation tied to an alleged assault case, intensifying what has become a contentious GOP primary battle in the state. That dispute highlighted Mace’s willingness to confront members of her own party over law enforcement and accountability issues.

10 Reasons the Florida Governor’s Race Isn’t a Total Lock for a Republican Win in 2026

With nearly three decades of state government dominance, many Florida Republicans consider the 2026 governor’s race a foregone conclusion. There are 10 reasons why the race may not be as easy as many in the GOP assume. If Republicans aren’t careful, they could find themselves in a competitive fight in a state they now consider safely red.

1. The Republican Party’s Voter Registration Lead Over Democrats in Florida Could Be Easily Erased by Independents

Republicans love pointing to their roughly 1.5 million voter registration advantage over Democrats in Florida as proof that the state is deep red and a safe bet. It’s not. On the surface, the Republican Party’s lead seems impressive, but it’s a paper tiger.

Florida’s fastest-growing voter bloc isn’t Republicans or Democrats—it’s independents. No Party Affiliation (NPA) voters now make up a massive share of the electorate, and they don’t show up in those headline registration advantages. These voters are volatile and heavily influenced by economic factors and current events—not party labels. Florida has 3.8 million voters who are registered with a minor party or are fully independent, not registered with any party. GOP’s registration advantage (Approximately 3 million vs. 1.5 million).

Therefore, if Republicans rely on that number as a safety net, they may not realize how fragile their position actually is until the votes are counted. The majority of the GOP’s registration spike occurred during a period of strong Republican momentum under DeSantis and a weak Democratic brand nationally. Those conditions no longer exist.


2. The Economy is Now a Liability for Republicans, Not an Advantage

In 2024, Republican candidates were handed a gift: Voters assumed they’d be better on the economy, but those days are a distant memory now in 2026. If economic frustrations persist—or if voters start questioning whether GOP leadership actually delivers—Republicans lose their most reliable platform.


3. Florida’s Cost of Living Remains High, Especially for Senior Citizens

For years, Republicans have relied on one of the most dependable voting blocs in Florida politics: Senior citizens.

It’s not hard to see why. Florida’s large retiree population has consistently leaned Republican, and voters over 65 were a critical part of Ron DeSantis’ dominant coalition in 2022.

But there’s a growing problem the GOP can’t ignore: The cost of living in Florida is hitting seniors harder than almost anyone else.

Housing costs have surged. Property insurance premiums have skyrocketed—some doubling or tripling in recent years. Everyday essentials like groceries, utilities, and healthcare continue to climb. For seniors on fixed incomes, this isn’t an abstract policy debate. It’s personal.

And when it becomes personal, voting behavior can change fast. We’ve already seen such changes in two different districts that had special elections earlier this year and flipped to the Democrats. That doesn’t automatically translate into a Democratic wave this November —but it doesn’t have to. Whether a small percentage of senior voters shift their votes to the Democratic candidate or a similar percentage of casual voter friends don’t bring them to the polls, the net negative impact on Republicans would be enormous.

And if the voters who once formed the backbone of Republican victories start feeling disillusioned—especially over something as immediate as affordability—the GOP’s most reliable advantage could quietly become its biggest vulnerability.


4. Republican Infighting Is Undeniably Higher than in 2022

The GOP’s biggest problem might not be Democrats. DeSantis’ approval numbers have cooled significantly from his 2022 peak, and his entry into the 2024 presidential race angered Trump’s most loyal supporters.

Byron Donalds may have early momentum, but the reality is simple: he does not yet have unified support from the DeSantis wing of the party. And if that endorsement comes late—or doesn’t come at all—the damage could already be baked in.

We’re heading toward months of:

  • Trump-aligned vs. DeSantis-aligned friction that has never fully resolved since 2024.
  • Competing power centers
  • Lingering resentment

If this turns into a drawn-out fight, don’t be surprised when:

  • Some voters stay home
  • Others “undervote” and skip the governor’s race entirely
  • Enthusiasm dips just enough to matter

In a race that could be decided by 2–4 points, that’s a trio of factors that could easily tip the scales to the Democratic candidate.


5. The GOP’s Newfound Young Male Improvement of 2024 Disintegrated

Republicans celebrated gains with younger voters in 2024. That celebration may have been premature.

Recent polling shows 72% of voters in their mid-20s to mid-30s disapprove of Donald Trump—a flashing red warning sign for any GOP candidate trying to hold that coalition together.

Younger voters are not locked in. They’re fluid. And when they shift, they shift fast. If Republicans lose even a fraction of those gains, then suburban margins could tighten, and turnout advantages shrink.


    6. Democrats Don’t Need to Improve—Republicans Just Need to Slip

    This is the part GOP strategists should be losing sleep over: Democrats don’t need a surge. They just need Republican erosion.

    If voter support drops slightly among independent male voters, suburban women, Hispanics, and/or middle-aged voters, any of those groups or a combination could be enough to flip an outcome. In other words, a surprise victory for Democrats doesn’t require a convetional “Blue Wave”,—it only requires Republican gains to slightly drop across a few demographic groups.


    7. No “Sleepy Joe” Biden to Tie to the Democratic Candidate

    For years, Republicans have benefited from a built-in advantage: running against Joe Biden.

    That crutch is no longer present. Without Biden at the top of the ticket dragging down enthusiasm, Democrats can run cleaner, more localized campaigns—and voters who stayed home before may re-engage.

    Republicans won’t be able to nationalize this race as a vote against the status quo because they have the power at both the federal and state levels.


    8. With Crist Off the Ballot, Democrats No Longer Face an Enthusiasm Problem

    It’s easy to forget how close the 2018 governor’s race was between Andrew Gillum and DeSantis, given DeSantis’ blowout win over Charlie Crist and Gillum’s embarrassing exit from politics. Crist never excited Democratic voters or Independent voters in 2022 because he was a uniquely weak candidate. He had high name recognition, but the recognition included shifting stances and multiple losses in statewide races.

    That strawman opponent is gone. Think of the difference between John Kerry and Barack Obama. A new Democratic nominee immediately resets turnout dynamics. And with neither Trump nor DeSantis up for election, Republicans lose the biggest turnout incentive they’ve had for the past two elections.


    9. Since Trump started the war with Iran, MAGA Voter Allegiance Has Softened

    Here’s a wildcard Republicans aren’t prepared for: Foreign policy dissatisfaction creeping into their own base. Even some MAGA-aligned voters are starting to question:

    • Endless overseas commitments
    • Strategic priorities, including Iran and Israel
    • The broader direction of U.S. involvement abroad

    That doesn’t automatically translate into Democratic votes—but it absolutely can translate into lower Republican turnout.


    10. The Polls Are Already Flashing Warning Signs

    According to Emerson College Polling, Republican Byron Donalds leads Democrat David Jolly by just 44% to 39%, with a massive 17% undecided. If Florida is truly “Solid Red,” the polling shouldn’t look like this. Let that sink in. Seventeen percent of voters in a supposedly red state don’t even know who they’d support . Across early averages tracked by RealClearPolitics, Republican leads are consistently in the mid-single digits, not double digits. That’s not dominance. That’s vulnerability.

    The Bottom Line: GOP is Still Favored, but the Governor’s Race Is Not Safe

    The Republican nominee for Governor should be favored in Florida, but being favored is not the same as being 100% safe

    When undecided voters are near 20%, the GOP is internally divided, and seniors are discontent, you don’t have a lock. If Republicans keep treating Florida like a done deal, they may not realize how real the threat is—until it’s too late.

    History Is Rhyming Again: Jon Ossoff’s 2026 Advantage Looks a Lot Like Obama’s 2012 Setup

    here’s a familiar political pattern quietly taking shape in Georgia—and if Republicans aren’t careful, they’ve seen this movie before.

    Back in 2012, incumbent President Barack Obama didn’t just win reelection because of his own strengths. He benefited from something just as powerful: a Republican Party that spent months beating itself up in a bruising primary.

    The GOP field that year—Mitt Romney, Newt Gingrich, and Rick Santorum—turned the nomination fight into a prolonged ideological civil war. What should have been a launchpad into the general election became a demolition derby.

    Now fast forward to 2026, and Georgia Senator Jon Ossoff is staring at a political landscape that looks eerily similar.

    The Obama 2012 Blueprint: Let the Opponent Self-Destruct

    In 2012, Republicans had energy. They had momentum. They had a base hungry to defeat Obama.

    What they didn’t have was unity.

    Romney was cast as the establishment pick. Gingrich positioned himself as the intellectual insurgent. Santorum surged with social conservatives. Each took turns attacking the others—not just on policy, but on electability, authenticity, and character.

    By the time Romney emerged as the nominee:

    • He had spent months defending himself from his own party
    • His campaign had burned through resources
    • Key factions of the GOP base were lukewarm at best

    Meanwhile, Obama sat back, conserved resources, and let the chaos play out. By the time the general election began in earnest, he wasn’t facing a fresh challenger—he was facing a worn-down survivor.

    Georgia 2026: A Replay in Progress?

    That same dynamic is now forming in Georgia.

    Republicans are heading toward what is shaping up to be a crowded, high-stakes, and deeply competitive primary. Multiple candidates are vying not just to win—but to define what the Republican Party in Georgia even is.

    And that’s where Ossoff’s opportunity emerges.

    Because every dollar Republicans spend attacking each other is a dollar not spent defining him. Every headline about intra-party conflict is a headline that keeps Ossoff out of the crosshairs.

    If the GOP primary drags on:

    • The eventual nominee will be financially depleted
    • The base could emerge divided
    • Messaging will be delayed and diluted

    Sound familiar?

    The Hidden Advantage: Time and Contrast

    Ossoff doesn’t need to dominate the news cycle right now. In fact, the smartest strategy may be the quietest one.

    Just like Obama in 2012, he can:

    • Build a massive fundraising advantage while Republicans spend internally
    • Define his opponent early once a nominee emerges
    • Position himself as the stable, unified option against a fractured opposition

    There’s also a deeper psychological factor at play.

    Primary fights tend to push candidates toward the ideological edges. That may win primaries—but it can complicate general election messaging in a state like Georgia, where margins are razor-thin and persuasion voters still matter.

    Obama benefited from this contrast in 2012. And Ossoff could too.

    The Risk Republicans Can’t Ignore

    This isn’t to say Republicans can’t win Georgia in 2026. They absolutely can.

    But if history is any guide, how they choose their nominee may matter just as much as who they choose.

    A short, disciplined primary? That’s survivable.
    A prolonged, expensive, and personal battle? That’s a gift.

    Because elections aren’t just about ideology or turnout. They’re about timing, resources, and momentum.

    And right now, the early signs suggest Republicans may once again be in danger of handing all three to the incumbent.

    The lesson from 2012 is simple: incumbents don’t always have to win the election outright—sometimes their opponents lose it first.

    If Georgia Republicans repeat the mistakes of Romney, Gingrich, and Santorum, Jon Ossoff won’t just be defending his seat.

    He’ll be watching history repeat itself—one primary attack ad at a time.


    Don’t Cry for Mark, Argentina – Sanford Wants Back into South Carolina Politics

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     Mark Sanford, the former South Carolina congressman and governor whose political ascendency was stalled by a 2009 affair, wants to return to Congress — again.

    Just hours ahead of the deadline to do so, Sanford filed candidacy paperwork with state officials to run in the June 9 GOP primary for South Carolina’s 1st District seat, which he has held twice before.

    Sanford’s first political office was in the 1st District. An outsider with almost no name recognition, he navigated a primary for the open seat, finishing second before winning the runoff. He served for six years before his outside run at governor, again pushing his way through a crowded primary, then knocking off the last Democrat to hold the office.

    But his eight years were overshadowed by the Appalachian Trail, which became shorthand for Sanford’s disappearance to go to Argentina to see his lover. Sanford’s wife, family and his staff didn’t know where he was.

    Beating back both an ethics inquiry and calls to resign, Sanford held fast, leaving office on his own terms.

    The GOP’s ‘Harley-Davidson Problem’ Could Define Its Political Future

    There’s a quiet warning sign hiding in plain sight—not in polling data, not in campaign finance reports, but in a struggling American brand.

    For decades, Harley-Davidson symbolized rebellion, freedom, and cultural dominance. Its identity was unmistakable. Its customers were loyal. Its brand was everywhere.

    And then, almost without people noticing, something changed.

    Walk past a Harley store today and you may see something that would have been unthinkable 15 years ago: empty floors, fading cultural relevance, and a customer base that is steadily aging out of the market.

    That trajectory should sound familiar—because it may mirror what lies ahead for the Republican Party.


    A Coalition Built on Strength—and Age

    The GOP’s greatest strength has long been its consistency. Its voters turn out. They are engaged. They are loyal.

    But they are also, on average, older.

    That alone is not a political death sentence. In fact, older voters are among the most reliable participants in elections. But over time, demographics are not static. They move in one direction only: forward.

    And when a political coalition is anchored primarily to an aging base, it creates a long-term structural challenge that no short-term victory can fully offset.

    Harley-Davidson faced this exact reality. Its core customers—baby boomers—defined the brand’s rise. But as those customers aged, the company found itself increasingly dependent on a shrinking demographic.

    The result wasn’t an immediate collapse. It was something slower—and potentially more dangerous: a gradual erosion.


    The Trap of Over-Serving Your Base

    When an organization becomes deeply tied to its most loyal supporters, it begins to optimize everything for them.

    Harley did this by building more advanced, more feature-heavy motorcycles tailored to longtime riders. The bikes became more expensive. More complex. More niche.

    And in the process, they became less accessible to new customers.

    Politics is not immune to this same dynamic.

    A party that focuses too heavily on satisfying its base can unintentionally narrow its appeal. Messaging becomes more targeted. Cultural signals become more defined. Priorities become more specific to those already inside the coalition.

    What energizes loyal voters can, at the same time, create distance from potential new ones.

    That doesn’t happen overnight. It happens gradually—until the gap becomes difficult to close.


    When a Brand Becomes an “Anti-Brand”

    Perhaps the most revealing shift in Harley-Davidson’s story is not economic—it’s cultural.

    To younger generations, Harley is no longer seen as authentic rebellion. Instead, it can feel manufactured. Performative. Even out of touch.

    In branding terms, that’s a dangerous place to be.

    Because once a brand stops being aspirational and starts becoming something younger consumers actively reject, the challenge is no longer growth—it’s relevance.

    There are signs that a similar perception gap exists in politics.

    Many younger voters do not simply disagree with the Republican Party—they often feel disconnected from it on a cultural level. Whether that perception is fair or not is almost beside the point. In modern politics, perception frequently carries more weight than policy specifics.

    If a political identity begins to feel out of step with how a rising generation sees itself, rebuilding that connection becomes exponentially harder.


    The Innovator’s Dilemma in Politics

    Businesses call this the “innovator’s dilemma”—the tension between serving your current customers and adapting for future ones.

    Lean too far toward your base, and you risk stagnation.

    Pivot too aggressively, and you risk alienating the very people who built your success.

    Harley-Davidson struggled to navigate this balance. Attempts to reach younger riders—including new product lines—often fell flat, in part because they didn’t fully align with what younger consumers actually valued.

    Political parties face the same challenge, but with higher stakes.

    Shifts in tone, messaging, or priorities can trigger backlash from core voters. Yet failing to evolve can limit long-term viability.

    It is not a problem that can be solved in a single election cycle. It is a generational challenge.


    Decline Is Not Inevitable—But It Is Possible

    History offers examples of brands that have recovered from similar positions. Automakers, apparel companies, and major consumer brands have all gone through periods of decline before successfully reinventing themselves.

    Political parties can do the same.

    The Republican Party is not on the verge of collapse. It remains highly competitive, deeply organized, and capable of winning major elections.

    But long-term sustainability is a different question than short-term success.

    If the party’s coalition does not expand alongside demographic shifts…
    If its messaging does not evolve alongside cultural changes…
    If it fails to connect with voters who will define the next 20 to 30 years…

    Then the risk is not sudden defeat.

    It is gradual decline.


    The Real Question Ahead

    The lesson from Harley-Davidson is not that dominance disappears overnight.

    It’s that relevance, once lost, is difficult to regain.

    The Republican Party’s future will likely hinge on a simple but critical question:

    Can it translate its core identity into something that resonates with the next generation of voters—without losing the foundation that made it strong in the first place?

    Because if it can, it remains a durable political force for decades to come.

    If it can’t, the warning signs are already there.

    They’re just easier to see on a showroom floor in Las Vegas than on an electoral map—at least for now.

    Rising Costs in Virginia Could Send Conservative and Center-Right Voters to North Carolina

    As Virginia’s new governor, Democrat Abigail Spanberger, moves away from Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s fiscally conservative policies and implements higher taxes, more regulations, and policies that have historically increased the cost of living, some moderate and conservative Virginians may begin looking south—specifically to North Carolina.

    If that migration occurs at scale, it could reduce Republican influence in Virginia while also complicating Democrats’ long-term efforts to expand their footprint in the swing state of North Carolina.

    For years, population migration has quietly reshaped American politics. States such as Texas and Florida have experienced a rapid influx of residents from higher-tax states, while others have seen population losses tied to taxes, housing costs, and expanding regulations.

    Now, a similar dynamic could be developing between Virginia and North Carolina.

    Virginia’s Changing Political Landscape

    Virginia has undergone a dramatic political transformation over the past two decades.

    Once considered a competitive purple state, Northern Virginia’s population growth and the expansion of federal employment have helped shift the state toward Democrats in statewide elections.

    At the same time, concerns about rising housing costs, energy prices, and taxes have become more common in parts of the state outside the Washington D.C. suburbs

    Among the state delegation, Democrats hold the majority in both chambers of Virginia’s state legislature, which gives Gov. Spanberger the ability to implement more policies that increase fees, taxes and regulations. Her agenda will be backed by Virginia Speaker of the House Don Scott (Democrat and Virginia Senate Majority Leader: Scott Surovell (Democrat). Virginia’s House of Delegates has 64 Democrats to 36 Republicans.

    As a neighboring state, North Carolina is an obvious destination for residents looking for lower costs while remaining relatively close to home.

    North Carolina’s “Split Government”

    North Carolina currently operates under a unique political balance.

    The state elected Democratic Governor Josh Stein in 2024, succeeding Roy Cooper. However, Stein’s authority is balanced by a Republican-controlled legislature, creating a system where policy often lands somewhere near the middle.

    That structure has produced economic policies that many business groups consider competitive compared to other East Coast states.

    North Carolina has:

    • Lower overall tax burdens than many northeastern states
    • Corporate tax reductions implemented in recent years
    • Rapid job growth in banking, technology, and manufacturing
    • Major population inflows into the Raleigh-Durham and Charlotte regions

    The result has been one of the fastest-growing economies in the Southeast.

    Why Migration Could Shift North Carolina Politics

    When people move, they don’t just bring their furniture.

    They bring their voting habits.

    If a meaningful number of moderate or conservative Virginians relocate to North Carolina because of economic policy differences, two political shifts could occur simultaneously.

    North Carolina could gradually trend more conservative, particularly in suburban counties that are already politically competitive.

    Meanwhile, Virginia could become more solidly liberal as voters most frustrated by taxes, regulation, or rising costs relocate elsewhere.

    A Pattern Seen in Other States

    This type of migration has already occurred in other parts of the country.

    Over the past decade, states like New York and California have seen significant population outflows tied in part to housing costs, taxes, and regulatory environments.

    Many of those residents have relocated to states such as Florida, Texas, Tennessee, and North Carolina—places that market themselves as more affordable and business-friendly.

    Florida, for example, has become more reliably Republican over the past decade while attracting large numbers of residents from the Northeast.

    Texas has also seen major inflows from California, particularly among entrepreneurs and professionals seeking lower costs and fewer regulatory hurdles.

    If Virginia begins experiencing a similar outflow, the Southeast could see its own version of that migration pattern—one driven not by cross-country moves but by regional relocation.

    If this theory holds true, the migration patterns would likely follow several specific corridors:

    • Northern Virginia residents relocating to the Research Triangle region
    • Southwest Virginia residents moving into North Carolina’s Piedmont Triad
    • Retirees moving toward coastal North Carolina communities

    These moves allow migrants to remain relatively close to family networks while gaining access to lower costs and growing job markets.

    Migration has the potential to reshape a state’s political balance over time.

    If Virginia’s policies push costs higher while North Carolina maintains a competitive economic environment, the Virginia-to-North-Carolina migration pipeline could become one of the most important political trends in the Southeast over the next decade.

    In that scenario:

    • Virginia becomes more reliably Democratic
    • North Carolina becomes more reliably Republican
    • The political center of gravity in the Southeast gradually shifts southward

    28th Republican House Seat Opens for 2026 Midterm Election After Vern Buchanan Announces Retirement Before

    Another Republican House seat is up for grabs! Florida Congressman Vern Buchanan announced he will not seek re-election for the upcoming mid-term.

    In the 2024 Election, Buchanan easily won by 19 points but that doesn’t mean that Democrats can’t pull off an upset win in 2026.

    Two big differences could make an impact. Buchanan benefited from straight-ticket Republican voters who turned out to cast votes for Trump. No matter who replaces Buchanan as the Republican candidate, they won’t be able to count on those piggyback votes since Trump will not be on the ballot.

    Inflation continues to be a major concern for many voters, especially among retired elderly voters. Byron Donalds has Trump’s endorsement in the Republican Primary for Florida Governor, and they are extremely vocal in their support of one another.

    If Donalds becomes the party’s nominee for Governor he will almost certainly be endorsed by Buchanan’s replacement. If Trump’s polling numbers stay in the 30’s or low 40’s and the economy is still a major concern for independent voters in November, then any association with Trump and Donalds could become more of a liability than an asset and the race for Buchanan’s old seat could become much more competitive than expected.